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У дисертації досліджується ставлення уряду Франції доби Наполеона І до південно-західних окраїн Російської імперії, Це ставлення розглядається як багаторівневе історичне явище, яке сформувалося за сприятливої міжнародної кон’юнктури (наполеонівські війни) у процесі ознайомлення державних діячів Франції з різнорідною інформацією про Росію. На основі їх уявлень, які складалися з екзотичних для свідомості західноєвропейців образів східноєвропейської реальності, формувалися проекти опанування такої важливої бази людських та матеріальних ресурсів, якою були українські губернії Росії. Досягнути цієї мети планувалося за допомогою економічних, політичних і, особливо, воєнних засобів.
Відтак під час походу “Великої армії” в Росію 1812 р. французький уряд здійснив низку заходів щодо розширення воєнних дій на південно-західні окраїни цієї імперії. Найвагомішими з-поміж згаданих заходів були створення розвідувальної мережі, а також наступальна операція сьомого корпусу “Великої армії” в західних повітах Волинської губернії. |
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At the beginning of the 19th century Western European civilization became considerably interested in Eastern Europe, which had been culturally and economically ignored by it for a long time. That exotic and mysterious, in the imagination of Western European inhabitants, part of the continent became one of the main objects in the external expansion of France, that was making strides to achieve its world hegemony. Russia occupied a central place in the Eastern European policy of the French emperor, remaining the only continental state, after the victories of France over Prussia and Austria, able to counteract the plans of the conqueror. Foreseeing the inevitability of the final clash with Russia, Napoleon and his political advisers gave special attention to the recently united Russian empire borderlands, which in the time of preparation for the campaign of 1812 were considered to be a theatre for future military actions. Nonetheless, France also displayed her interest in South Eastern borderlands of the Russian empire, which consisted of rather specific, historically and culturally, provinces, such as Volhynia, Podolia, Central Ukraine, Tavria and Novorossia and the steppe zone of Azov.
In order to use those, practically unknown, areas as a trump card in its geopolitical confrontation with Russia the French government and head-quarters had to get an idea about them. In the cognitive process, Napoleons administration grounded its knowledge on different as to their origin, time and real value primary sources. Having studied and juxtaposed the available information, that small social group created in their imagination a certain generalized notion of South Western Russian territories being substantially different from the territorial core of the empire as to their natural, economic, ethnic and cultural parameters. The strategy of trade, political and military expansion was drawn on the basis of the above mentioned notions, setting up a kaleidoscope of images according to the stereotypes of Western Europeans mental mар of Eastern Europe. South Western borderlands of Russia were determined in the projects to be a possible direction for military actions with the aim to have a hold over that important base of human and material resources in order to put the Russian army in Moldavia out of action and to conclude an alliance with the Ottoman Porta. During the campaign of the Grande Armée against Russia in 1812, the French government even approved a political resolution and made some preliminary steps (such as. e.g. appointment of an empire commissar to the provinces of Volhynia, Podolia and Central Ukraine and attempts of setting up a reconnaissance network in this strategic direction) concerning the implementation of the plan of extension of military actions to the South Western borderlands of Russia. However, a local, as to its scale, operation of the Grande Armée seventh corps in Volhynia remained an isolated example of practical manifestation of Napoleons interests in those lands, which demonstrated the spontaneity and insufficient comprehension of his interest.
Notwithstanding Napoleons defeat in Russia, the very fact of the glorious French general having a certain interest in the South Western borderlands of that empire exerted an influence on historical consciousness of the people inhabiting these lands. Thus, in the historiography appeared, not devoid of ideological colouring and political tension, a discussion of the character of these interests, the metaphorical symbol of which, in our opinion, should be considered Napoleonide—an ephemeral state of Ukrainian Cossacks and Crimean Tatar, the establishment of which was suggested to Napoleon by his counsellor Polish general Michael Sokolnytsky, Our research aims at answering the complicated question of whether Napoleonide could have become a historical alternative to the following subordinate status of the Ukrainian, Tatar and Polish people under Russia.
Manuscripts and published materials from the French, Austrian, Polish and Ukrainian archives and libraries are its primary sources. Among the methods of historical analysis used in the research, the instrumentation of cultural anthropology and psychology of imagination that helped to understand historical reality from the point of view of its direct artists, in our case Napoleon himself and his military political surrounding, is of especially great importance. |
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